Belgium Auctions off 4G License Spectrum
Belgium's telecoms regulator, BIPT says that it has sold 4G licenses to four bidders for a total of EUR 77.79 million.
Belgium's telecoms regulator, BIPT says that it has sold 4G licenses to four bidders for a total of EUR 77.79 million.
Senate Commerce Committee
Nov 30 2011
2:30 PM
A hearing to consider the nominations of Jessica Rosenworcel and Ajit Varadaraj Pai, to be Commissioners of the Federal Communications Commission
What’s next for AT&T and T-Mobile? Not a merger in the near future.
The wireless giants say they are fighting to salvage their $39 billion deal. But some analysts say the firms look unlikely to win their mounting regulatory battles against the Justice Department and now the Federal Communications Commission. By withdrawing their merger application at the FCC, the companies hoped to focus on their legal defense against Justice’s suit to block the deal. As reported, last week the chairman of the FCC signaled he opposed the deal and would send the proposal to an administrative judge. “We believe the DOJ will likely win in court, and the FCC arguments provide it with further ammo,” said Christopher King, a principal at Stifel Nicolaus. “We also believe the initial FCC resistance provides DOJ with added leverage to keep fighting if it loses the first round of litigation, or to negotiate a settlement, if necessary.” AT&T has said it will reapply for the merger at the FCC. And Bloomberg reported last week that AT&T is preparing a settlement offer to divest 40 percent of T-Mobile’s assets. But don’t expect a wireless mega-merger next year or in the foreseeable future, analysts say.
Expect cable and satellite Internet service providers to eye T-Mobile as a way to enter the lucrative wireless business their customers seek. “In the short term, we expect T-Mobile to be a disruptive pre-paid operator. Longer term, we speculated that a deal with the cable operators is T-Mobile’s best available option,” said Craig Moffett, an investment analyst for Sanford C. Bernstein.
[Commentary] Given how incredibly unlikely AT&T is to win approval of its acquisition of T-Mobile at this point, why is AT&T drawing this out? Do they really think they can win in court? Why not just call it quits, or vow to fight it out before the Federal Communications Commission’s administrative law judge?
I think a number of things are going on here. First, AT&T was, once again, caught by surprise on the timing. FCC Chairman Julius Genachowski played this like a total master. He kept his cards close, counting on his reputation for avoiding political conflict with powerful entities like AT&T, then sprang it on them when Congress was out of town and AT&T could not pull together powerful political pushback. The announcement that the Chairman would do this on circulation, rather than wait 3 weeks for the December Public Meeting¸ further limited AT&T’s options.
Caught by surprise with very limited options, AT&T had two choices: 1) try to tough it out and lobby like hell to prevent a vote, or 2) try to pull the applications to avoid an hearing designation order (HDO). Between these two bad choices, AT&T probably made the right calculus. It seems extremely unlikely that AT&T could prevent a vote for the HDO. Neither Democrat is likely to undercut both the Chairman and the Department of Justice, even if he or she wanted to vote against it. Nor is it certain the FCC Commissioner Robert McDowell would vote against a designation for hearing. As I have observed before, Commissioner McDowell is not a corporate shill so much as a true believer in the Gods of the Marketplace. This is precisely the case where Commissioner McDowell might say: “Well, this is definitely the thing to do, refer to a hearing rather than leverage our authority to extort concessions. There are real questions about market power here, and they ought to be resolved by a hearing as required by law.” Heck, this kind of once-in-a-blue-moon vote is precisely the sort of thing that burnishes credentials as a genuine believer in the free market rather than simply pro-big business.
AT&T can still hope to renegotiate the breakup fee with Deutsche Telekom (DT) by stretching out the proceeding. If DT knows it can’t get the deal done, it will want to unwind as quickly as possible so it can maximize the value of T-Mo to another buyer, or as a standalone initial public offering (IPO). While one Wall St. analyst recently valued such an IPO at $28 billion, that will decline if T-Mobile remains shackled to the deal and continues to experience churn as a result. So AT&T may be content to have the case in abeyance before the district court. At this point, keeping the case open is the only leverage it has to renegotiate the breakup fee. If the case is in abeyance, AT&T can threaten to leave it that way until the breakup fee comes due in September 2012 unless DT agrees to renegotiate the fee downward.
Ma Bell's plan to buy T-Mobile may still technically be on life support. But make no mistake, AT&T's stock looks pretty dead.
If AT&T has to pull the plug on the deal -- leaving that pretty T-Mobile spokesgirl looking for another corporate gentleman caller (paging Sprint!) -- it may be tougher for Ma Bell to compete as effectively with its top rival Verizon. But analysts said that as long as AT&T keeps paying that big, fat dividend, investors may not care. AT&T's annual dividend is $1.72 a share. That works out to a yield of nearly 6.2%. To put that in comparison, it's more than triple the puny 2% or so that you get from holding onto a 10-year Treasury bond. And despite all the problems facing Ma Bell -- slow growth, more competition, and a relative paucity of spectrum for its 4G network, to name a few -- it looks like AT&T is a safer bet than the U.S. government. It costs AT&T about $10.2 billion to pay its annual dividend to all its shareholders. That's a lot of money. But consider that AT&T generated $12.4 billion in free cash flow in just the first nine months of the year. So while not being able to buy T-Mobile would be a blow, it's not significant enough to cause any questions about the safety of the dividend.
Mark Lie, was among thousands of Tribune shareholders who cashed out when the media conglomerate went private in 2007. And like those others, he stands to lose some of his winnings if junior creditors succeed in their legal bid to claw back more than $2.5 billion of the $8.2 billion in proceeds from Tribune's disastrous leveraged buyout.
Lies and his fellow shareholders are caught in a legal battle that may be the most perplexing yet in a Tribune bankruptcy that has groaned on for three years. The junior creditors, led by New York hedge fund Aurelius Capital Management, claim that the complex deal orchestrated by Chicago billionaire Sam Zell was a fraudulent conveyance, doomed to fail from the start. If the buyout is proved to be a fraudulent conveyance, creditors argue, investors shouldn't have benefited, and proceeds from their stock transactions should be made available to satisfy the $2.5 billion that creditors claim they are owed. In all, 33,000 to 35,000 investors are potentially on the hook for money they received in 2007, when the company went private at $34 a share. Defendants include thousands of current and former employees of Tribune. Many others are people around the country like Lies who had nothing to do with the company — they simply bought the stock. It is far from clear that the creditors' maneuver will work. And defendants warn that if Aurelius and its allies prevail, markets that depend on the sanctity of a settled transaction could be disrupted by making it difficult for investors to assess risks in participating in a leveraged buyout.
The Justice Department and other federal agencies shut down 150 websites accused of selling copyrighted materials and counterfeit products.
The crackdown was timed to coincide with "Cyber Monday," the most profitable day of the year for online retailers. As part of the operation, federal agents ordered products such as sports jerseys, DVD sets, shoes, handbags and sunglasses. If the company confirmed the products were counterfeit, the Justice Department obtained an order from a federal judge to seize the website. Visitors to the 150 websites that were seized will now find a banner notifying them that federal authorities have taken over the domain.
On the face of it, the death or decline of flat-rate pricing from telcos will mean the end of the ‘free’ ride that over-the-top (OTT) players have been enjoying for the last few years.
This has already produced casualties. Netflix, for instance, the shining star of the new content world, had to radically change its business model. Google’s YouTube and ‘catch up’ TV was causing unsustainable bottlenecks for telcos. Something had to give.
As flat rate declines, however, new opportunities arise. Fuelled by the network neutrality debate, telcos and OTT players have looked upon each other as enemies and reached for their legal arsenals to try and win the battle. The truth is that telcos and OTT have a natural and intuitive synergy. This is based, not on operating outside comfort zones, but sticking to core business. Telcos are great at bundling, billing, network management, and getting better and better at customer service, helped by the rise of analytics and policy management. OTT players are great at producing many forms of compelling content, games, music, movies, and more.
President Barack Obama took the most significant steps since the Truman Administration to improve the management of federal records.
The Presidential Memorandum directs agencies to move into a digital-based records keeping system, a move that will save taxpayer dollars, promote accountability, and increase government transparency. The action delivers on a commitment the President made in September 2011 when the White House put forward the Open Government Partnership: National Action Plan for the United States. The Presidential Memorandum initiates a comprehensive assessment of agency systems for collecting, maintaining, and preserving the records that document the operation of our democracy. Specifically, it calls for reports within the next 120 days, by each agency head, describing current plans for improving records management programs; outlining current obstacles to sound, cost-effective records management policies; and cataloguing potential reforms and improvements. The agency reports will inform, and be followed, by a Records Management Directive, to be issued by the Director of OMB and the National Archivist of the United States that will identify specific steps agencies must take to reform records management policies and practices. The Management Directive will focus on making records management more cost-effective and accessible to the public and on transitioning from paper-based records to electronic records where appropriate. In a key provision, the President has required the Director of OMB and the National Archivist to consult with those inside and outside the government – including public stakeholders interested in improving records management and open government.
The Congressional Budget Office prepares regular reports on its estimate of the number of jobs created by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA), which was enacted in response to significant weakness in the economy at that time. In its latest report, CBO provides estimates of ARRA’s overall impact on employment and economic output in the third quarter of calendar year 2011, as well as over the entire period since February 2009. CBO estimates that ARRA’s policies had the following effects in the third quarter of calendar year 2011 compared with what would have occurred otherwise:
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