December 2015

Sen Sanders data controversy spotlights powerful gatekeeper

[Commentary] At the heart of the Sen Bernie Sanders (I-VT) data mess is a firm that functions as the digital plumbing of the Democratic Party: NGP VAN. Democrats are nearly wholly dependent on it, which is why the breach -- the company says it’s the first in its nearly 20-year history -- and the Sanders campaign’s subsequent cutoff from the system is so rattling the party. While Sen Sanders may have defused the flap by apologizing to front-runner Hillary Clinton during Dec 19’s debate for his campaign’s viewing and downloading of her voter data information, the extent of the damage done to both campaigns isn’t yet clear. If nothing else, it’s reminded Democrats of the risks of leaning so heavily on one private company to provide its technology infrastructure.

Nearly every Democratic campaign across the US uses NGP VAN in some fashion, though critics say that's due in some part to the fact that the Democratic National Committee and state Democratic parties force candidates do so as part of the package of receiving party support. The arrangement leaves it up to the Democratic Party to decide which campaigns get access to the software, giving it an enormous gatekeeping power of which the Sen Sanders' campaign felt the force during its temporary suspension of access to the data file.

Sen Sanders’s campaign dominates online conversation about Sanders

The Democratic debate may not necessarily have been in prime time on Dec 19, but it still generated more than 400,000 mentions online. Unlike most of their GOP counterparts, the official Twitter feeds of the two leading Democratic candidates continue to be major drivers of their own social media conversation. During the Saturday debate, for example, all five of the top Hillary Clinton-related Tweets came from the campaigns. This is particularly true of Sen Bernie Sanders (I-VT), whose campaign delivered all of the most frequently retweeted mentions of the night.

Protecting the First Amendment in the Internet Age

[Commentary] The war on Internet free speech -- spurred by the use of Internet social media by the Islamic State and other radical groups for disseminating propaganda and for recruitment -- is heating up. University of Chicago law professor Eric Posner has now joined their ranks as well, with a more thoughtful (and therefore even more distressing) argument for greater speech curbs.

Terrorist groups, he notes, have become increasingly adept at using Internet social media platforms to “lure young men and women to their mission … without having to risk capture on US soil,” creating a “radicalization echo chamber” that has “given rise to a historic and unprecedented danger from foreign radicalization and recruitment.” Posner then suggests that “there is something we can do to protect people from being infected by the ISIS virus by propagandists”: Do we really want government agents deciding which Internet sites “glorify, express support for, or provide encouragement for ISIS”? That slope is far too slippery for me. Posner suggests that “those who regard free speech as fundamental need to consider whether legal principles that arose centuries ago make sense in the age of Snapchat.” I decline the invitation.

[David G. Post is a Sr. Fellow at the New America Foundation's Open Technology Institute]

What was fake on the Internet this week: Why this is the final column

[Commentary] We launched “What was Fake” in May 2014 in response to what seemed, at the time, like an epidemic of urban legends and Internet pranks: light-hearted, silly things, for the most part, like new flavors of Oreos and babies with absurd names. Since then, those sorts of rumors and pranks haven’t slowed down, exactly, but the pace and tenor of fake news has changed. Where debunking an Internet fake once involved some research, it’s now often as simple as clicking around for an “about” or “disclaimer” page. And where a willingness to believe hoaxes once seemed to come from a place of honest ignorance or misunderstanding, that’s frequently no longer the case. There’s a simple, economic explanation for this shift: If you’re a hoaxer, it’s more profitable. Frankly, this column wasn’t designed to address the current environment. This format doesn’t make sense.

Essentially, institutional distrust is so high right now, and cognitive bias so strong always, that the people who fall for hoax news stories are frequently only interested in consuming information that conforms with their views -- even when it’s demonstrably fake. the sort of readers who would unskeptically share such a far-fetched story site are exactly the readers who will not be convinced by The Washington Post’s debunking.