March 2017

State Department Press Room Goes Dark — At Least for Now

For the first six weeks of the Trump Administration, the State Department didn’t hold a single on-camera press briefing — long a fixture of US diplomatic communications — finally beginning them on March 7. Less than three weeks later, they’ve stopped again.

Officials said the on-camera briefings won’t resume for at least two weeks as Secretary of State Rex Tillerson moves to get a permanent spokesperson in place. Mark Toner, a career foreign service officer who has been the department’s acting spokesman, is slated for another assignment. He might return to the podium on camera in April, but the Trump administration doesn’t yet have a full-time spokesperson in place. That official is expected to be Heather Nauert, until now a Fox News anchor, but she is awaiting approval of her security clearance. She hasn’t been officially named and hasn’t yet started at the State Department. In the interim, the State Department will hold background briefings, in which unnamed officials will brief intermittently on specific topics. Under the Obama Administration and those before it, the State Department took questions on-camera on a nearly daily basis. The briefings are closely watched by foreign officials as well as US diplomats around the world for public guidance on US policy.

VPNs Won’t Save You from Congress’ Internet Privacy Giveaway

The House of Representatives is set to vote as early as March 28 on a resolution that would reverse Obama-era regulations preventing internet service providers from selling your web browsing history on the open market. All of which means you’ll need to take your online privacy into your own hands. Several technical workarounds—especially virtual private networks, or VPNs—will return some semblance of control to you, the internet user. But even these solutions are far from perfect. When it comes to privacy, tech can help. But it doesn’t take the place of having the law on your side.

Innovation Can Fix Government, Sure. Either That or Break It

[Commentary] President Barack Obama more than any other president sought to apply Silicon Valley’s disruptive methods to government in an effort to make it work better for the people it’s supposed to serve. The White House has tapped President Donald Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner to lead the newly christened White House Office of American Innovation, which will reportedly operate like an in-house management consultancy, bringing fresh business ideas to government. Destructive innovation can work well for a company like, say, Uber, which is accountable only to its customers. But government doesn’t have customers. It has citizens for whom the government theoretically works. In practice that means policymakers can’t cavalierly destroy something to build it anew. A functional democracy doesn’t pick winners and losers. It exists to serve everyone. Instead of winner-take-all disruption, Kushner and his team of tech A-listers should tackle broader issues of efficiency and collaboration, which can be solved with better technology or processes—things that add value without taking any away from somewhere else.

President Trump has a new innovation office. It's unclear what that means for 18F and USDS

President Donald Trump has created a new White House office dedicated to bringing private sector tech practices to the government.

Initial projects may include revamping the Veterans Affairs Department, modernizing federal IT and re-designing government workforce training. The office could also tackle opioid abuse, among other issues. Right now, it’s unclear what the new group will mean for the federal tech and innovation groups created in the Obama administration, including the White House’s US Digital Service—itself described as a tech troubleshooting SWAT team—and 18F, the digital consultancy housed within the General Services Administration. Those groups also recruit tech talent heavily from the private sector, often for 1- or 2-year stints, and emphasize shaking up Washington’s bureaucracy with concepts from tech hubs such as Silicon Valley, Austin (TX) and Boston (MA).

The Three Lame Stories the Press Writes About Every President

[Commentary] As if powered by a celestial mainspring, the press publishes the same three basic stories about every new presidential administration. Usually up first in their rotation is a breathless beat-sweetener about the incoming vice president. The second inevitable wave of stories claims that the administration is “rebooting.” March 27’s Washington Post brings us, on Page 1 above the fold, the third classic of the first 100 days of reporting: A story about the coming “reorganization“ of government—this time by Prince Jared, the president’s son-in-law.

This is how you stop fake news

[Commentary] Previous research in this field suggests that attempts to counter political rumors often fail. Ironically, just repeating rumors that you’re trying to debunk may in fact reinforce those rumors. Those individuals who accept a rumor as true may in fact become more certain of their false beliefs the more it’s repeated, doubling down if there’s new sources of information that either supports or denies it. The lessons of my study are clear. Just as important as how a rumor is debunked is who does the debunking. Politicians who support good public policy by speaking against their partisan interests — in this case, Republicans speaking out against the death panel rumors — are considered credible sources by citizens from across the ideological spectrum. When fighting “fake news,” politicians and the media should present the right authority. In our politically polarized time, we may be able to harness the power of partisanship to stop the spread of misinformation.

[Adam J. Berinsky is a professor of political science at MIT and serves as the director of the MIT Political Experiments Research Lab (PERL). ]

Don’t Fight Their Lies With Lies of Your Own

[Commentary] The 2016 election was unimaginable, and the particulars of Russian meddling deserve further scrutiny. But we seem to have fallen into a trap: The unimaginable, happening out in the open day after day, not only continues to dull our defenses but also creates a need to see a conspiracy big enough, a secret terrible enough to explain how this can be happening to our country. Fraudulent news stories, which used to be largely a right-wing phenomenon, are becoming increasingly popular among those who oppose the president. Each story dangles the promise of a secret that can explain the unimaginable. Each story comes with the ready justification that desperate times call for outrageous claims. But each story deals yet another blow to our fact-based reality, destroying the very fabric of politics that President Donald Trump so clearly disdains.

[Masha Gessen is the author of "The Man Without a Face: The Unlikely Rise of Vladimir Putin"]

Ending digital copyright act would fundamentally change Internet

[Commentary] Everyday we turn to the Internet for the seemingly endless amount of information and entertainment it provides. But most people don’t realize that we can only do these things because of a law passed in 1998—the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA). The DMCA ensures that anyone can use Internet platforms to create content, post comments, and share ideas online as long as the platforms they use act responsibly. Despite the creative and economic value the DMCA has helped create, the copyright industry is currently seeking to radically change the law to force online platforms to police for copyright infringements on their behalf by using content filtering technology.
[Evan Engstrom is the executive director of Engine, a policy, advocacy, and research organization that works to support tech startups.]

Why President Trump still plays nice with elite media

[Commentary] So when President Donald Trump raised the white flag on Obamacare March 24, did he pick up the phone and gave the exclusive to Breitbart, The Daily Caller or LifeZette? Nope. He called reporters at The Washington Post and The New York Times. But you'd have thought that reaching out to ideological sympathizers was inevitable, given the journalistic sturm und drang about the incursions of right-leaning media in these early days of a new Washington era. Well, any chronicle of access will need to include the capital's longtime home teams, with March 24's carefully served bulletins from the Trump News Service suggesting how a mix of old media clout, old-fashioned journalistic quality and Trump's own Queens-bred craving to be accepted by various establishments may be more enduring than many assume. As Bill Kristol, founder of The Weekly Standard, put it about Trump: "He's always understood the power of and craved acceptance by the mainstream media." Adds Rich Lowry, editor of National Review: "He hates the mainstream media — and loves the mainstream media. No president has ever followed his news coverage so closely or cared about it so much."

Conservative media at a crossroads early in Trump era

Much of conservative media rallied behind Donald Trump in 2016. Now that he's struggling to live up to some of his promises as president, the relationship is fast becoming more complicated. President Trump's failure to bring Obamacare repeal legislation to a vote, the sense that his credibility -- including on promises he made to conservatives -- has been diminished, and his waning approval numbers are exposing fissures between and within conservative media outlets that had effectively served as a united front during his bid for the presidency.

The fissures reflect divisions among factions in Trump's own White House, as well as the various factions among Republicans on Capitol Hill. They are exacerbated by the fact that, for the first time in a decade, Republicans control both the White House and the Congress -- leaving conservative critics without a favorite scapegoat: Democrats. Broadly speaking, there are three groups within conservative media: Populists who were enthusiastic passengers on the Trump train but now appear to be prioritizing their principles over strict allegiance to the president; moderate Republicans and Never-Trumpers who do the same, albeit with a different set of principles; and unabashedly pro-Trump conservatives who for now appear set to defend and promote the president no matter what.