February 2016

The network neutrality fight is now about data collection

Network neutrality isn’t the only consequence of the Federal Communications Commission reclassifying broadband as a Title II service, and a new fight is taking shape around a relatively overlooked portion of the ruling. The fight centers around customer data, and how much providers are allowed to collect. Gathering customer data can be extremely lucrative in the age of Google and targeted ads, but bringing providers under Title II means they have a whole new set of rules to follow when doing it. Those rules have never applied to companies like Comcast or Time Warner before, and wireless carriers like AT&T and Verizon have never had to apply them to mobile data. Suddenly, those companies are dealing with new restrictions, just as many of them are doing more ad-tracking than ever.

It’s still unclear what kind of policy the FCC will set — or if it will set a policy at all — but the issue is already drawing fire from both sides. The FCC can afford to play it cool because, for the moment, it’s holding all the cards. The core legal question is how the commission will interpret Section 222 of the Communications Act, which deals with the privacy of customer information and, as of last March, applies to both broadband providers like Comcast and mobile internet companies like AT&T. The broad strokes of the law are clear — carriers can’t share anything without customer permission, and the data must be stripped of personally identifiable information. But the language is ambiguous in a number of places: how can permission be collected? How much data counts as personally identifiable? The broad strokes restrict sharing to either aggregate or anonymized data — but "aggregate" can mean a lot of different things. If the FCC doesn’t set an explicit policy, companies will be free to experiment with data-mining programs similar to those already in place at online ad companies. On the other hand, if the FCC does set a policy and start to answer those questions, companies may not like the answers.

CWA, civil rights coalition urge FCC to continue prison phone reform

In 2015 the Federal Communications Commission approved measures to reform inmate calling services to ensure that rates are “just, reasonable, and fair.” Those reforms capped all inmate calling rates – a 15-minute call can cost no more than $1.65 – and limited or banned ancillary service charges, which can add nearly 40% to the cost of a single call. Now a coalition of civil rights and public interest groups are urging the FCC to build on these important changes.

In a letter to the FCC, the coalition explained the importance of fair inmate communications services and offered specific suggestions:

  • Address pricing abuses in advanced communications and video visitation;
  • Cap international calling rates;
  • Address the communications rights of deaf, hard of hearing, and disabled inmates;
  • Ensure the limits on ancillary fees are effective for all communications; and
  • Collect data in the prison communications industry.

Even large firms are cutting landlines

While tech companies and startups were early adopters of landline-free offices, the benefits of cutting the cord have become so great that bigger companies are following suit. Leo Burnett ditched its physical phones in November. The ad agency's 1,600-plus Chicago workers now have Bluetooth headsets, and voicemails are immediately transcribed to e-mail. Many employees automatically forward their work numbers to their cellphones. Even old-line professional services and law firms have moved away from traditional landline phone systems, prompted by updates to their buildings' cabling, their executives' need for secure communication channels outside the office and the desire for such extra capabilities as voicemail-to-email transcription. The first baby step toward ditching a desk phone involves switching from traditional copper cables, which for decades composed the backbone of telephone service, to fiber that allows voice-over-IP systems to connect landline phones via the Internet.

Cruz app data collection helps campaign read minds of voters

Protecting the privacy of law-abiding citizens from the government is a pillar of Ted Cruz's Republican presidential candidacy, but his campaign is testing the limits of siphoning personal data from supporters. His "Cruz Crew" mobile app is designed to gather detailed information from its users' phones — tracking their physical movements and mining the names and contact information for friends who might want nothing to do with his campaign. That information and more is then fed into a vast database containing details about nearly every adult in the United States to build psychological profiles that target individual voters with uncanny accuracy.

Cruz's sophisticated analytics operation was heralded as key to his victory in Iowa — the first proof, his campaign said, that the system has the potential to power him to the nomination. After finishing a distant third in New Hampshire, Cruz is looking to boost the turnout of likely supporters in South Carolina and in Southern states with primaries on March 1, where voters are more evangelical and conservative. The son of mathematicians and data processing programmers, Sen Cruz (R-TX) is keenly and personally interested in the work.

Republican presidential race is a mess; Blame Citizens United.

Going back to 1952, just three candidates finishing second in New Hampshire went on to win the party’s nomination. Only one, George W. Bush, won the general election. Further, six of the past seven nominees garnered at least 30 percent of the vote in New Hampshire. But the 2016 Republican race has confounded conventional wisdom. Commentators have chalked it up to the oddity and volatility of Trump’s candidacy, as well as the failure to pick a single “establishment” candidate. Although these are certainly factors, two larger, structural forces are at work that belie historical patterns.

The first is money. Citizens United changed fundraising rules in a way that impinges on the GOP’s desire for a business-as-usual race. It used to be that candidates required early wins to gain enough momentum and donations to compete into March. In the post-Citizens United era, that’s no longer true. Bush’s war chest is so sizable that even if he continues on his present trajectory, he will still have enough in the coffers to stay in the race as long as he wants. The fact is that a billionaire could write a check to any of the candidates tomorrow, allowing them to amass delegates at the margin and press forward regardless of popular support. And there’s precedence for that. Big donors such as Sheldon Adelson allowed candidates such as former senator Rick Santorum (R-PA) and former House speaker Newt Gingrich (R-GA) to stay in the 2012 race long past their expiration dates. The lesson of Citizens United? Billionaires can’t buy elections, but they can buy chaos.