February 2016

FCC Chairman Wheeler on Digital Equity

The title of the Sesame Workshop report gets it exactly right: “Opportunity for All.” It reminds us that the struggle for digital equity is part of the struggle to uphold our most fundamental American values. We can do better. We must do better. One way we will do better is by retooling the Federal Communications Commission’s Lifeline program. A modernized Lifeline allows participants the opportunity to move to the other side of the digital divide, eventually erasing the line between Internet haves and have-nots. So the first principle of Lifeline reform is allowing the program to support both fixed and mobile broadband service.

Promoting adoption of broadband goes hand-in-hand with efforts to ensure access. The ConnectHome initiative is the laudable result. Moving forward, when we talk about digital equity, we need to remember that we’re talking a key part of the answer to many of our nation’s greatest challenges – issues like income inequality, job creation, economic growth, US competitiveness. The stakes couldn’t be much higher. That’s why the FCC won’t let our foot off the gas in our efforts to promote opportunity and prosperity through communications technology. And that’s why we all need to continue working together to expand the benefits of broadband to all Americans.

“AT&T is the villain” in city broadband fight, says TN State Sen

A Republican state senator in Tennessee is fed up with AT&T and other private Internet service providers that are trying to stop the spread of municipal broadband. "We're talking about AT&T," TN State Sen Todd Gardenhire (R-Chattanooga) said at a rally of business owners, residents, and local officials in the state Capitol. "They're the most powerful lobbying organization in this state by far... Don't fall for the argument that this is a free market versus government battle. It is not. AT&T is the villain here, and so are the other people and cable."

The battle over municipal broadband in Chattanooga (TN) and surrounding towns is among the most prominent nationwide. Tennessee state law has prevented the Chattanooga electric utility—which also provides broadband—from expanding to adjacent communities that lack fast, cheap Internet access. Chattanooga petitioned the Federal Communications Commission to preempt that state law, and the FCC granted the request, using its authority to promote competition in local markets by removing barriers to infrastructure investment.

Facebook censorship under the microscope

Drone strikes and labia surgery. On the surface, they don't appear to have much in common. But when people tried to post stories about these topics on Facebook, they were blocked. "The content you're trying to share includes a link that our security systems detected to be unsafe," read one notification. What gives? That's what nonprofit OnlineCensorship.org is trying to understand. "We decided that in order to bring more transparency, we'd need to collect the data ourselves," said Jillian York, cofounder of OnlineCensorship.org.

The site, which launched in its current form in November, aims to be a platform for reporting censorship on social media. People can submit screenshots of posts that they feel have been "erroneously or unjustly" removed from six of the most popular social networks: Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Google+ and Flickr. As part of the submission -- which can be done anonymously -- users answer questions about their age and why they think the content was censored. Since November, there have been more than 200 submissions. Facebook, for example, prohibits nudity, hate speech or graphic images that glorify violence. It has also banned the private sale of guns and drugs. But a post about bullfighting? The company banned it -- then backpedaled. It also banned a post from a woman in Turkey critiquing Charlie Hebdo.

The Conservative Playbook for Keeping ‘Dark Money’ Dark

How do you stop states and cities from forcing more disclosure of so-called dark money in politics? Get the debate to focus on an “average Joe,” not a wealthy person. Find examples of “inconsequential donation amounts.” Point out that naming donors would be a threat to “innocents,” including their children, families and co-workers. And never call it dark money. “Private giving” sounds better. These and other suggestions appear in internal documents from conservative groups that are coaching activists to fight state legislation that would impose more transparency on the secretive nonprofit groups reshaping US campaign finance.

The documents obtained by ProPublica were prepared by the State Policy Network, which helps conservative think tanks in 50 states supply legislators with research friendly to their causes, and the Conservative Action Project (CAP), a Washington policy group founded by Edwin Meese, a Reagan-era attorney general. Dark money is the term for funds that flow into politics from nonprofit groups, which can accept donations of any size but, unlike political action committees, are not required by federal law to reveal the identities of their donors. The anonymity has been upheld by courts that cite as precedent a 1958 Supreme Court ruling that the state of Alabama could not demand that the NAACP turn over a list of its members.

Idea to retire: A federal budget process that inhibits IT innovation

[Commentary] The federal budget process has great benefit for governing the $3 trillion in spending that agencies conduct each year. Through the budget process, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) is able to develop resource allocations for thousands of government programs, work with congressional appropriations committees to enact them, and oversee performance. At the same time, the budget process is lengthy and complex and a hindrance to rapid innovation. For example, the budget agreement that Congress reached in December 2015 required agencies to propose new ideas starting in spring 2014, and spending on those priorities will likely not conclude until the fall of 2016. Any change within this two-year-plus time horizon comes within the context of priorities set at the beginning of the two-year cycle. This long term planning cycle has great benefit for capital investment.

At the same time, these processes limit any course correction since any rebalancing of investment priorities must often be accompanied by complex and lengthy reprogramming requests. Reforming the current rules that call for all development spending to be treated in the same way as operations spending would be a significant benefit for government IT innovation.

[Dan Chenok is executive director of the IBM Center for The Business of Government]

FCC Commissioner Ajit Pai: Frustrated, Yet Hopeful

At the Federal Communications Commission, it’s not easy being in the minority. Republican Commissioner Ajit Pai would be the first to say it. Countless items go through the agency on 3-2 votes, leaving the two designated Republican commissioners disappointed. Just last week, Commissioner Pai hit back at the agency’s 2016 Broadband Progress Report as proof the agency has failed to deploy broadband “in a reasonable and timely fashion.” He does not hold back on his criticism of how current FCC Chairman Tom Wheeler runs the place. It’s way, way too partisan, he says.

Yet he is still amiable, even as he describes his experience serving in the oft-ignored FCC minority. He has a welcoming smile and a jumbo-sized mug with the Reese’s Peanut Butter’s logo on it. He is eager to discuss some of his favorite burgeoning technologies: virtual reality and 3-D printing. He particularly enjoys pontificating on how new technologies such as these could move civilization forward and gradually change everyday life. It’s his enthusiasm for technology that led Commissioner Pai to his position at the peak of telecommunication policy.

The FCC Should Say "No" to AllVid

Federal Communications Commission Chairman Tom Wheeler is circulating a regulatory proposal to his fellow commissioners that he hopes will create additional competition for pay-TV set-top boxes. This comes after a handful of technology companies advanced their own regulatory proposal, often referred to as AllVid.

We do not know the full details of what is in Chairman Wheeler’s draft, of course, but we do know what AllVid proponents asked him to do. And it is troubling. Supporters of AllVid claim critics are just defending set-top box revenues. That is certainly not the MPAA’s motivation, as content creators do not receive those revenues. What concerns content creators is that AllVid isn’t really about helping viewers access content they have paid for; it’s about companies profiting from content they haven’t paid for. What AllVid proponents are actually seeking is federal rules to siphon pay-TV content and repackage select portions of it for their own commercial exploitation through fees, advertising, or data collection, and without having to enter into agreements with the creators like others in the marketplace must do. This amounts to government-compelled speech—striking at the core of First Amendment and copyright law—and would undermine programmers’ ability to develop and make available high-quality content. Such a technology mandate could also increase content theft by weakening security, making it easier for piracy-laden “black boxes” to connect to legitimate services, and by prominently displaying stolen content from the Internet alongside authorized content. AllVid imposes these harms on content creators with little need—and even fewer benefits to viewers.