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As Middle East regimes try to stifle dissent by censoring the Internet, the US faces an uncomfortable reality: American companies provide much of the technology used to block websites.

Web-filtering technology has roots in the 1990s, when U.S. companies, schools and libraries sought to prevent people from surfing porn, among other things. Today, that U.S. technology is now among the tools used in the clampdowns on uprisings across the Middle East. In Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and elsewhere, bloggers have been jailed and even beaten as governments try to repress online expression.

As mobile browsers and Web programming systems improve, the difference between sites you access from a browser and apps you download from a centralized store will surely shrink.

Web sites will grow more adept at storing content locally (so you won't have to be online to use them), they'll get better at using your device's specialized hardware, and their interfaces will look and feel just as complex and responsive as those of native apps. In other words, the fight between apps and the Web will be rendered moot. The two modes of getting online will become indistinguishable—you'll reach for the Web or apps or both, depending on the device you're using. The more relevant issue is that we'll all be getting online more, and for all kinds of tasks—listening to music, watching movies, reading books, playing games, doing office work, and communicating with friends and colleagues. Sun Microsystems' old slogan, "the network is the computer," gets truer every day.

[Commentary] Beware of habitual monopolists bearing gifts -- especially if they operate in shamefully uncompetitive markets.

AT&T’s proposed $39 billion takeover of T-Mobile USA would create a dominant mobile-phone operator, with a 39% market share in America, and a near-duopoly with Verizon, the current market leader: together their combined share would be 70%. It is a mark of the mess that the United States has made of telecoms not just that such a deal is being considered, but also that a duopoly might actually bring genuine short-term benefits. All the same, it would be far better if the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) and the Department of Justice blocked the T-Mobile merger -- and tried to reform the market instead. The bait for President Barack Obama is that the deal could speed up his commitment to make broadband available to more Americans. AT&T says the acquisition will let it expand its fourth-generation (4G) technology -- which will provide faster data connections on mobile devices -- to a further 46.5m Americans, including many in rural areas who cannot get fixed-line broadband. This is much the same argument that AT&T’s grandmother, Ma Bell, made a century ago when it lobbied successfully to be allowed to swallow up lots of other telephone operators and become a monopoly, on the ground that this was the best way to ensure decent coverage, especially in a huge country with a thinly spread population.

The suspicion is that President Obama, desperate both to build some broken fences with big business and to make progress on connecting every American home to the Internet, will give in. In fact he should push the FCC to promote more competition -- by, for instance, allowing other firms to buy bulk wireless capacity from AT&T and resell it, by freeing up underused spectrum and by making local phone and cable firms share their wires. A duopoly would in the end reduce choice for American consumers, and be hard to reverse. Best to block it.

[Commentary] Back when the movement for strong open Internet rules included a company called Google, it was generally agreed among such advocates that clear federal agency provisions against protocol blocking and unreasonable discrimination should be applied to last-mile wireless and wireline broadband connections alike. All these concerns vaporized, of course, once Google made policy peace with its Droid partner Verizon last August.

The two companies then issued their famous Legislative Framework proposal that would deny the FCC even the authority to make hard-and-fast rules on its own. Suddenly the distinct and delicate nature of wireless broadband was discovered. So when the FCC finally issued its long awaited and partially Congressionally disapproved-of net neutrality rules in December, the Commission dutifully exempted wireless from all but the aforementioned transparency provision and a bar on the outright blocking of content.

Now, however, with AT&T's bid to gobble up T-Mobile, all these competition rationales return to haunt their advocates. After all, in 2010 both the Department of Justice and the National Telecommunications Information Agency wondered out loud whether wireless broadband would really make the residential broadband sector more competitive. The government's decision to waive unfair discrimination provisions against wireless broadband was based on a widely vetted evaluation of the competitive nature of that market. Surely, a proposal that would result in one carrier controlling almost 42 percent of wireless subscriber share changes that assessment. The FCC, FTC, Department of Justice, and Congress must now decide how much.